ASSESSMENT OF TIV-JUKUN CRISIS IN TARABA STATE
A CRITICAL ASSESSMENT OF TIV-JUKUN CRISIS IN TARABA STATE
FACTSHEET
TIV-JUKUN CRISIS
Date: 1959-date
Location: Wukari Local Government Area of Taraba State and bordering Kente in Benue state
Contending Issues: Land, Party politics, fear of domination, and indigene/settler dichotomy
Results: Mass killings, torturing and destruction properties
The Actors: The Jukuns and the Tivs
The stakeholders: Government of Taraba and Benue state
Casualties and Losses: More than 10,000 people have been killed, 15,000 people displaced, properties worth millions of naira has been also destroyed.
Date: 1959-date
Location: Wukari Local Government Area of Taraba State and bordering Kente in Benue state
Contending Issues: Land, Party politics, fear of domination, and indigene/settler dichotomy
Results: Mass killings, torturing and destruction properties
The Actors: The Jukuns and the Tivs
The stakeholders: Government of Taraba and Benue state
Casualties and Losses: More than 10,000 people have been killed, 15,000 people displaced, properties worth millions of naira has been also destroyed.
Abstract
Nigeria is one the countries in Africa that is made of different ethnic groups with about 250 ethnic groups. These ethnic groups that were coerced and amalgamated to form Nigeria in 1914 by the British imperialists have found it difficult to see themselves as one people. Since then, there have been tons of ethnic clashes between one ethnic group to another. However, the problem of settler-indigene dichotomy confronting Nigeria has its root in the administrative style of British colonialism. This type of crisis has bogged Nigeria for years and the inability of the managers of state to properly define, who a citizen of Nigeria is and the rights that accrues to such a person, have escalated to tension point in heterogeneous communities across Nigeria. Some of these tensions have grown so intense that they have boiled over into deadly crisis especially in Local Government Area of Taraba State between Tiv-Jukun. The paper is centered on the assessment of Tiv-Jukun crisis in Taraba state, Nigeria. Hence, for decades Tiv and Jukun in Taraba and Benue state have engaged in intermittent fighting, mostly over land and political issues. The Tivs are one of the biggest of Nigeria's numerous ethnic minorities, form the majority in Benue State. But smaller numbers are also found in neighbouring Taraba, Nasarawa and Plateau states. The Jukuns, however, are the majority in Taraba, which lies to the east of Benue, near the border with Cameroon.
Key words: Conflict, ethnicity, politics, violent, indigene, settler.
Key words: Conflict, ethnicity, politics, violent, indigene, settler.
Introduction
No nation is immune from conflict but some are more prone to it more than the other. Nigeria is one of the most volatile and third most terrorized nations in the world according to Global Terrorism Index 2018 report. She has experienced all forms of crisis ranging from communal, ethnic to full scale civil war. The Tiv-Jukun conflict is among the other numerous ethnic conflicts that have been deviling the country like Aguleri - Umuleri communal conflict in Anambra state, Amagu - Adadama communal conflict in Cross River state, Enyigba - Enyibichiri Alike-ikwo communal conflict in Ebonyi state, Ezillo - Ezza Communal conflict in Ebonyi state, Yelwa - Shendam conflict in Plateau state, Ogbe-Ijoh - Aladja Communal Crisis in Delta state, Itsekiri-Urhobo Warri crisis in Delta state, Mangu - Bokoss Crisis in Plateau state (Eze, 2015) and so on.
The Tiv and Jukun ethnic groups have had a long history of relationship stretching into centuries; in short their interaction predates colonialism and the relationship was intensively cordial. However, the tide of that amiable coexistence changed and turned soured beginning from the 1930s up to the 1950s because of ecological as well as political changes in Wukari area in particular and the Benue Valley in general.
Following the emergence of overt conflict between the two ethnic groups particularly beginning from 1959, subsequent decades have experienced what has described as “the deadliest inter-ethnic clashes” between these two ethnic minority blocs. Surprisingly, there seems to be no end to the conflict as each decade since the 1950s keeps resonating new waves of the Tiv-Jukun brawl. This clearly indicates the existence of intractable, deep-rooted and fundamental disagreement between the two historical neighbors.
The Tiv-Jukun ethnic conflict has traversed various epochs. The first conflict-prone atmosphere was created in 1959 preceding the Federal Election that was held in Nigeria that year. By March 1960, conflict and violent outburst were imminent in Wukari and Lafia Divisions that bordered the Tiv Division and subsequently, “riots in Wukari and Lafia provided a cue for Tiv Division, where massive disturbances broke out five months later” (Anifowose, 1982:111). It must be mentioned that although these initial conflicts and violence were not directly targeted at the Jukun as they were more politically inclined; they were a culmination of the heaped-up grievances against the colonial authorities, their policies and the Northern oligarchy that the Tiv saw as allies in the course of their (Tiv) political oppression during the colonial era.
The Tiv-Jukun ethnic conflict has traversed various epochs. The first conflict-prone atmosphere was created in 1959 preceding the Federal Election that was held in Nigeria that year. By March 1960, conflict and violent outburst were imminent in Wukari and Lafia Divisions that bordered the Tiv Division and subsequently, “riots in Wukari and Lafia provided a cue for Tiv Division, where massive disturbances broke out five months later” (Anifowose, 1982:111). It must be mentioned that although these initial conflicts and violence were not directly targeted at the Jukun as they were more politically inclined; they were a culmination of the heaped-up grievances against the colonial authorities, their policies and the Northern oligarchy that the Tiv saw as allies in the course of their (Tiv) political oppression during the colonial era.
Hence, this has created a problem of the ‘indigene-settler’ issue which has been explained as the pivotal cause of the conflict. This factor is directly related to the land question discussed above. Interestingly, the problem of indigene-settler identity is not peculiar to the Wukari area alone; it is a national debacle in Nigeria because it is responsible for the avalanche of conflicts across the country. The problem is further compounded by the difficulty of defining who an ‘indigene’ is and who a ‘settler’ is in the Nigerian context.
Therefore, incessant killings between the two ethnic groups in have continued. But in for instance, recent weeks, fighting between the two groups has assumed a wider, dangerous dimension, posing a challenge to the present administration in the state. A lot of people of Jukun extraction, especially women and children from Kente Village have been displaced. Some fled to Wukari; some to Akwana, and some fled to as far to Chinkai. The report also shows that many people have been displaced and were taking refuge in Jootar, Ukum, adding that due to the gravity of the fresh clashes, there may be more casualties by the time security agencies were through with combing the area to recover dead bodies (Leadership Newspaper, April 19, 2019). This paper intends to critically access the Tiv-Jukun crisis with the intention of suggesting the way forward to resolving the problem.
Conceptual Clarifications
Citizenship
According to Eze (2015), citizenship is a status bestowed on the individual by the state. United Nation Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) defines citizenship as “the status of having the right to participate in and to be represented in politics” Nwankwo (1992) defines a citizen as an “individual who has full political and legal right in a state.” According to Aristotle, citizenship is determined by the constitution of the state. This means that whatever or whoever constitution defines as a citizen so shall it.
According to Eze (2015), citizenship is a status bestowed on the individual by the state. United Nation Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) defines citizenship as “the status of having the right to participate in and to be represented in politics” Nwankwo (1992) defines a citizen as an “individual who has full political and legal right in a state.” According to Aristotle, citizenship is determined by the constitution of the state. This means that whatever or whoever constitution defines as a citizen so shall it.
Settler-Indigene
The indigenes are known as first peoples, aboriginal peoples or native peoples, who are the original settlers of a given territory in contrast to groups that have settled, occupied the area later. According to Okolie, et al (2016), the concept of settler is a political definition attributed on the basis of conquest or gradual migration of ethnic group from one territory to the other. They, noted that the settler can never become an indigene because the basis of the differentiation is the denial of civic citizenship through a political imposition of a permanent and exclusionary tribal or religious label.
Communal Violence
Communal violence is a form of violence that is perpetrated across ethnic or communal lines, the violent parties feel solidarity for their respective groups, and victims are chosen based upon group membership. The term includes conflicts, riots and other forms of violence between communities of different religious faith or ethnic origins. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (2013) includes any conflict and form of violence between communities of different religious group, different sects or tribes of same religious group, clans, ethnic origins or national origin as communal violence.
Theoretical Framework
This paper adopts the “theory of competition” an aspect of social constructivism perspective to explain the Tiv-Jukun crisis. The theory was proposed by a post-revolutionary Soviet psychologist Lev Vygotsky in (1978). The theory of social constructivism emphasizes the fluid nature of ethnic identification. It sees language, religion, physiology, land etc. as creating the set of identities that one can choose as reinforced by economic, political and social condition. In other words, identity set is not adequate to explain ethnic identity unless reinforced by other material conditions. Hence, Okolie, et al, (2016) opined that ethnic identification results from a combination of inborn traits and social inputs which are impacted by experiences. In other words, identity can be constructed which means that group boundaries are changeable within limits of these factors. But Competition theory as an aspect of social constructivism views ethnic identification from material angle.
It stipulates that the struggle over resource can explain the emergence and decline of ethnic groups. It also explains the reasons why ethnic identification appears visible and important at a certain time and not at another time. Olzak and Nagel as cited in Okolie, et al, (2016) in their study attempted to demonstrate how socially constructed identities come into being. Their emphasis centred on how economic and political competition arising from modernization explains the conflict in most developing countries. The adherent of social constructivism theory like Joireman, as quoted in Okolie, et al (2016) however argued that even in developed societies as the case of Scotland shows, competition for resources leads to strengthening of ethnic identity as demonstrated by the discovery of oil off the coast of Scotland.
The indigenes are known as first peoples, aboriginal peoples or native peoples, who are the original settlers of a given territory in contrast to groups that have settled, occupied the area later. According to Okolie, et al (2016), the concept of settler is a political definition attributed on the basis of conquest or gradual migration of ethnic group from one territory to the other. They, noted that the settler can never become an indigene because the basis of the differentiation is the denial of civic citizenship through a political imposition of a permanent and exclusionary tribal or religious label.
Communal Violence
Communal violence is a form of violence that is perpetrated across ethnic or communal lines, the violent parties feel solidarity for their respective groups, and victims are chosen based upon group membership. The term includes conflicts, riots and other forms of violence between communities of different religious faith or ethnic origins. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (2013) includes any conflict and form of violence between communities of different religious group, different sects or tribes of same religious group, clans, ethnic origins or national origin as communal violence.
Theoretical Framework
This paper adopts the “theory of competition” an aspect of social constructivism perspective to explain the Tiv-Jukun crisis. The theory was proposed by a post-revolutionary Soviet psychologist Lev Vygotsky in (1978). The theory of social constructivism emphasizes the fluid nature of ethnic identification. It sees language, religion, physiology, land etc. as creating the set of identities that one can choose as reinforced by economic, political and social condition. In other words, identity set is not adequate to explain ethnic identity unless reinforced by other material conditions. Hence, Okolie, et al, (2016) opined that ethnic identification results from a combination of inborn traits and social inputs which are impacted by experiences. In other words, identity can be constructed which means that group boundaries are changeable within limits of these factors. But Competition theory as an aspect of social constructivism views ethnic identification from material angle.
It stipulates that the struggle over resource can explain the emergence and decline of ethnic groups. It also explains the reasons why ethnic identification appears visible and important at a certain time and not at another time. Olzak and Nagel as cited in Okolie, et al, (2016) in their study attempted to demonstrate how socially constructed identities come into being. Their emphasis centred on how economic and political competition arising from modernization explains the conflict in most developing countries. The adherent of social constructivism theory like Joireman, as quoted in Okolie, et al (2016) however argued that even in developed societies as the case of Scotland shows, competition for resources leads to strengthening of ethnic identity as demonstrated by the discovery of oil off the coast of Scotland.
Finally, competition theory in social constructivism perspective to the study of ethnicity explains that the perception of taking advantage of some resource opportunity is the rationale that informs ethnic identity formation and rivalry. This theory explains adequately the Tiv-Jukun crisis in Taraba state because the central drivers of the crises are issues of access political power, land and distribution of other economic and material resources.
Tiv-Jukun Crisis: Contending Issues (the Causes of the Crisis)
Many analysts and social researchers like Robert (200), Toure (2001), Moti (n.d), Okolie et al (2016), Wuam (n.d), etc. linked the current bloodletting in central Nigeria to political problems dating to the colonial era. During this period, the British delegated powers over this vast region inhabited by many ethnic minorities to its ally, the Hausa-Fulani Muslim caliphate that held sway in many parts of northern Nigeria. The Tivs were one of non-Muslim minorities who vehemently opposed Hausa-Fulani influence, resulting in a major eruption of violence in the early 1960s that required military intervention to contain. While the Tivs preferred political alliances with southern political parties, the Jukuns teamed up with the Northern Peoples' Congress, controlled by the Muslim feudal oligarchs of the north. Violent eruptions between the two groups were first recorded in 1959. The following are the major contending issues in the crisis.
1.The right of the Tiv to participate in the politics of community has been the most contentious issue in the crisis between the Jukum and the Tiv in Wukari division of Taraba state. The Jukun saw themselves as the indigenes of the region having being firmly established there by the 17th century. Their contention therefore is that while other groups in the region like the Tiv as well as the Hausa-Fulani have other places to go to, the Jukun have only Wukari as home. Whereas the Tiv had arrived in the region as far back as the 1840s when the present Wukari was established, and notwithstanding the efforts made by the colonial government to recognize them as being part of the society where they lived, the Jukun essentially saw them as settlers. More importantly, the political reversals suffered by the Jukun at different times not only woke them up from their slumber, they became more rigid in refusing or denying the Tiv access, relevance, entitlements, political participation and power on the ground that they were settlers.
2.Another factor is party politics. Hence, party politics in Nigeria has often escalated this conflict as both ethnic groups find themselves in different political camps in both the First and Second Republics. In the Second Republic, for example, Alhaji Abubakar Barde who became governor of the old Gongola State on the platform of the Great Nigeria Peoples' Party (GNPP) gave preference to the Tiv over the Jukun for not supporting him. This he did by appointing a Tiv, lyotyer Tor Musa as the chairman of Wukari local government, a situation that did not go down well with the Jukun, who saw it as an insult on their collective psyche. Similarly, when Governor Jolly Nyame became civilian Governor of Taraba state in the aborted Third republic, he appointed Tiv people into the government on the basis of the support he got from the Tiv. Although these appointments deepened the hostility between the Tiv and Jukun of Wukari, the end as far as parties and politicians are concerned, justified the means (Best, Gerry and Moore as cited in Toure 2001). The local government election of 1987 that saw the Tiv gaining powerful positions reignited the conflict after the Jukun felt uncomfortable. Another fracas of 1990-92 saw most Tiv been chased out of Wukari and the elections of 1996 and 1997 were a somehow peaceful because the Tiv yet to recover were unable to voice dissent.
3.Land is another issue which is frequently named as cause of the conflict. However, while land is frequently mentioned, it is in reality only a vent for political and other forms of conflict. Although it is often said that the Tiv who are predominately farmers are encroaching on the farmlands owned by the Jukun, it turned out that the real issue is that the Tiv are accused of not following the traditional laws of land administration, which require them to obtain permission from the village head, ward head, district head, and paramount ruler before starting to farm on a piece of land. Instead, the Tiv would not accept that they are “settlers” and do not recognize the Jukun as the original indigenes. The reason why land remains a predisposing factor in the escalation of violence between these two ethnic groups is the role played by the use of the indigene-settler divide as a tool for reclaiming indigeneship by one group and at the same time apportioning settler status to another. The claim by the Jukun, a party to the conflict is that the Tiv are settlers in the present Taraba State and ipso facto have no ownership right to the land they occupy.
4.Another factor in the conflict is the high population growth of the Tiv, which creates a need for more and more farmland and political control. The Tiv are often accused of inviting relations from neighbouring Benue state, which increases the demand for land, as well as the numerical strength of the Tiv. The Jukun feel that their culture, of which they are extremely proud, is being undermined by the influx of Tiv and have embarked upon a “rejukunisation” process. These various causes, remote and immediate have led to an extremely violent confrontation between the Tiv and the Jukun.
5.Fear of domination is another vital issue that has fuelled the conflict. The Jukuns are entertaining fear that because of the numerical strength of Tiv in Taraba State, they will dominate them. So the fear is there and most of them mention that because Tiv are too many and they are educated and they farm so much to get money and food so they don’t care very much about others. So the major factor about the Tiv – Jukun crisis is fear of domination that is the major factor.
6.Finally, according to the President General of the Tiv Cultural and Social Association Chief Goodman D. Dahida, when he was interview by Leadership new correspondent, Mkom, he state thus:
politics is one of the causes of the rift, and it remains at the very base of the age-long discord. So, for the much-desired peace to be achieved, various tribes living in the southern part of the state must be summoned for a roundtable dialogue, instead of the government continuing to engage top government officials from both sides in peace talks, while ordinary people from the affected communities, who know where the shoe pinches are ignored (Dahida, 2019).
6.Finally, according to the President General of the Tiv Cultural and Social Association Chief Goodman D. Dahida, when he was interview by Leadership new correspondent, Mkom, he state thus:
politics is one of the causes of the rift, and it remains at the very base of the age-long discord. So, for the much-desired peace to be achieved, various tribes living in the southern part of the state must be summoned for a roundtable dialogue, instead of the government continuing to engage top government officials from both sides in peace talks, while ordinary people from the affected communities, who know where the shoe pinches are ignored (Dahida, 2019).
The Socio-economic and Political Implication on Nigeria
There is no doubt that Taraba and Benue state are among the economic hubs in Nigeria in the area of food productions. The perennial crisis has not only greatly affected the economic activities in the area but it has also caused psychological trauma among the people. The conflict between the Tiv and the Jukun, the concentration of poverty and low social development among the mass of the people have caused the emergence of militia groups. Many people witnessed relatives and loved ones being mutilated and killed, and hundreds of mainly women and girls were abducted. Some were raped, although this has not been well documented. There is visible post-traumatic stress syndrome, mistrust and fear among returnees long after the return of peace (Moti, n.d).
There is no doubt that Taraba and Benue state are among the economic hubs in Nigeria in the area of food productions. The perennial crisis has not only greatly affected the economic activities in the area but it has also caused psychological trauma among the people. The conflict between the Tiv and the Jukun, the concentration of poverty and low social development among the mass of the people have caused the emergence of militia groups. Many people witnessed relatives and loved ones being mutilated and killed, and hundreds of mainly women and girls were abducted. Some were raped, although this has not been well documented. There is visible post-traumatic stress syndrome, mistrust and fear among returnees long after the return of peace (Moti, n.d).
The conflict had also taken a toll in terms of lost of income due to poor economic activities and performances. The destruction of infrastructures such as schools, health facilities, etc, disruption in trading activities, the bottlenecks in the free movement of goods and services as well as the disruption in the transportation system forced the economy of the area to perform under potential. Zaki- Biam and Dan Anacha, Nigeria’s largest yam markets were destroyed and the stores remained closed for over 6 months in some instances (Moti, n.d).
The conflict also took a big toll in terms of human life. Although there is no accurate statistics of casualties either by government or the communities involved for fear of inflaming passions, it is estimated that about ten thousand plus people must have been killed in the crises and over 200,000 people displaced (ACCORD/UNHCR, cited in Moti, n.d). The region has thus experienced economic underdevelopment, poverty, damaged assets- health centres, churches, schools, markets, farms – and a reduced capacity to function effectively. Most villages and farmlands have been deserted. Business activities in Wukari have declined. The so called “non-indigenes” who lost their businesses to the crises are unwilling to return to Wukari (Moti, n.d).
Furthermore, the perennial crisis has affected the cultivation and harvesting of food crops in the crisis ridden area. For instance, in the recent crisis between the two warring parties, major yam market in the area was been burnt down. What does that portend to the economy? The burning of that yam market will not only have negative effects on the local economy, but would as well affect the country’s economy as well because people from different parts of the country always come here to purchase truck loads of yam, which are taken to different parts of Nigeria. Now that the market has been burnt, definitely we should be expecting scarcity of yam. This is a great set-back to the country’s ailing economy.
Efforts made to Resolve the Crisis so Far
Question remains: What are the efforts made so far towards resolving the protracted crisis? On April 20, 2019, mainstream media carried news of renewed crisis between Tiv and Jukun in Taraba and Benue state respectively. According to the report the clashes, which resulted into the killing of several people and destruction of properties worth millions of naira in both Benue and Taraba State started from a little quarrel between two individuals at Kente, a village in Taraba State. This quarrel later spread and assumed the shape of ethnic clashes between the Tiv and Jukun culminating in the massive destruction witnessed.
Furthermore, the perennial crisis has affected the cultivation and harvesting of food crops in the crisis ridden area. For instance, in the recent crisis between the two warring parties, major yam market in the area was been burnt down. What does that portend to the economy? The burning of that yam market will not only have negative effects on the local economy, but would as well affect the country’s economy as well because people from different parts of the country always come here to purchase truck loads of yam, which are taken to different parts of Nigeria. Now that the market has been burnt, definitely we should be expecting scarcity of yam. This is a great set-back to the country’s ailing economy.
Efforts made to Resolve the Crisis so Far
Question remains: What are the efforts made so far towards resolving the protracted crisis? On April 20, 2019, mainstream media carried news of renewed crisis between Tiv and Jukun in Taraba and Benue state respectively. According to the report the clashes, which resulted into the killing of several people and destruction of properties worth millions of naira in both Benue and Taraba State started from a little quarrel between two individuals at Kente, a village in Taraba State. This quarrel later spread and assumed the shape of ethnic clashes between the Tiv and Jukun culminating in the massive destruction witnessed.
Hence, there is no doubt that many efforts have been made to resolve the conflict including attempts at boundary adjustments between the two states, peace rallies, and the setting up of Judicial Commissions of Inquiry (Moti, n.d). However, no effort has been far reaching and sustainable and none has yielded a lasting solution partly because the agreements were not fully implemented. For example in the 1992 crisis which has been one of the worst in terms of casualties and destruction of property, the Governments of Benue and Taraba states met with the former military Vice- President and other stakeholders and the following “10 Point Peace Plan on the Jukun-Tiv Conflict of 1992” (Moti, n.d).
Recently, governments of the Taraba and Benue state have been making several peace moves in order to stem the perennial crisis. Following the latest killings, Taraba and Benue state governments have set up 10-man committee to bring to an end the communal crisis between Tiv and Jukuns at bolder area of the two states and bring lasting peace for development of the people. The committee was set up following the communal crisis that engulfed the area in the past three weeks that killed over 15 persons, destroyed properties worth millions of Naira while thousands of people were displaced (Mkom, 2019).
The 10-man committee which was constituted by the deputy governor of Taraba state, Engineer Haruna Manu and his counterpart from Benue State, Engineer Benson Abounu on Thursday, is charged with the responsibility of proffering solutions aimed at bringing lasting peace between the Tiv and the Jukun communities in the two States. 90 days was also given to the committee to identify the remote and immediate causes of the lingering crisis and to work out modalities for peaceful coexistence among the Tiv and Jukun communities at the border of the two States.
According to Leadership newspaper (April 19, 2019) the committee was also saddled with the responsibility of suggesting appropriate modalities for quick response to crisis situation to avoid devastating effects as well asked to recommend short and long term solution to the persistent communal clashes between the two tribes at the bolder communities.
According to Leadership newspaper (April 19, 2019) the committee was also saddled with the responsibility of suggesting appropriate modalities for quick response to crisis situation to avoid devastating effects as well asked to recommend short and long term solution to the persistent communal clashes between the two tribes at the bolder communities.
Furthermore, the House of Representatives at its plenary session on Tuesday 23 April 2019 urged the security agencies, in particular the Army to increase its presence in the communities affected by the ongoing communal clashes between the Tiv and Jukuns, until peace is restored. Presenting the motion, Hon. Danjuma Usman Shiddi (Taraba) stated that recently, Wukari Local Government Area of Taraba State has become unstable because of communal clashes between members of the Tiv and Jukun tribes. He stated that:
several settlements have been affected and that in addition to the destruction of houses and infrastructure such as schools, health facilities and places of worships, several people have been killed in the “internecine feud” between the two ethic groups… At the last count, at least 10,000 people have fled their homes and as a result, have become internally displaced. Hon. Shiddi further stated that in some places the security agencies were overwhelmed, as such could not contain the killings and destruction of property.
Following the motion, the House resolved to urge the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) and the Presidential Committee on North East to, as a matter of urgency, provide relief materials including, food, healthcare services and roofing materials to the victims and urge the Benue and Taraba State Governments to intensify peace efforts in the area.
several settlements have been affected and that in addition to the destruction of houses and infrastructure such as schools, health facilities and places of worships, several people have been killed in the “internecine feud” between the two ethic groups… At the last count, at least 10,000 people have fled their homes and as a result, have become internally displaced. Hon. Shiddi further stated that in some places the security agencies were overwhelmed, as such could not contain the killings and destruction of property.
Following the motion, the House resolved to urge the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) and the Presidential Committee on North East to, as a matter of urgency, provide relief materials including, food, healthcare services and roofing materials to the victims and urge the Benue and Taraba State Governments to intensify peace efforts in the area.
5.1.Obstacles to Peace
One may ask: Why have the efforts to end the killings have always failed to yield positive results? The reasons for stalemate and constant breach of peace agreement are obvious. This is because relations between the two ethnic groups, which has stretched for centuries has suffered as a result of politics, land ownership issues, indigene/settler syndrome, suspicion, and lack of political will to tackle emerging contemporary challenges, and unnecessary muscle flexing have continued to ensure that carnage is never far away, while peaceful co-habitation constantly eludes them.
There is a suspicion that is going on in the heart of a Tiv man and in the heart of a Jukun man. This suspicion must be immediately addressed because the Jukun man is always suspecting the Tiv man, and the Tiv man is always suspecting the Jukun man, even when they are all from one family. But there’s no need for such ugly attitude. All efforts have proved abortive because of politics, selfishness and the inability to speak the truth. In addition to this, the inability of the government of the day to sincerely intervene has caused these crises to increase in intensity day-in, day-out (Mkom, 2019).
One may ask: Why have the efforts to end the killings have always failed to yield positive results? The reasons for stalemate and constant breach of peace agreement are obvious. This is because relations between the two ethnic groups, which has stretched for centuries has suffered as a result of politics, land ownership issues, indigene/settler syndrome, suspicion, and lack of political will to tackle emerging contemporary challenges, and unnecessary muscle flexing have continued to ensure that carnage is never far away, while peaceful co-habitation constantly eludes them.
There is a suspicion that is going on in the heart of a Tiv man and in the heart of a Jukun man. This suspicion must be immediately addressed because the Jukun man is always suspecting the Tiv man, and the Tiv man is always suspecting the Jukun man, even when they are all from one family. But there’s no need for such ugly attitude. All efforts have proved abortive because of politics, selfishness and the inability to speak the truth. In addition to this, the inability of the government of the day to sincerely intervene has caused these crises to increase in intensity day-in, day-out (Mkom, 2019).
6.1.Conclusion and Recommendations
Despite the aged nature of the crisis, the present leadership in Taraba state in conjunction with Benue state counterpart has made some moves to resolve the crisis. Their efforts were commendable but more commitment, political will and uprightness needed. Many researchers have come to term that the Tiv-Jukun conflict has been protracted partly because of the apparent incapacity of the Nigerian State to provide security, law and order to its citizens. This is because some of the major contending issues in the conflict as we have noted ought to have been resolved. For instance, on the “indigene-settler” dichotomy Nigeria constitution is clear on who is citizen of Nigeria.
Base on recommendation to the protracted crisis we posit that the following should measure should be implemented: The federal government should tackle the constitutional issue of citizenship rights and abolish in clear terms the “indigene-settler” dichotomy as it is not only at the root cause of the Tiv-Jukun conflict but many other ethnic conflicts in Nigeria. National Boundary Commission (NBC) should step up to her primary responsibilities by demarcating boundary between Taraba and Benue state. The sponsors of the crisis should be brought to book. Finally, the two state governments should have the political will to implement findings of previous Commissions of Inquiry and recent 10-man committee. There are also a need to build a national citizenship through a reform of the Nigerian Constitution which involves incorporating the "Residency Right" mentioned above into the Constitution. This section as suggested should provide that a Nigerian citizen who has resided continuously for a period of five years in any state of the federation and performs his/her civic duties, including the payment of taxes, shall be entitled to all the rights and privileges of the state.
Despite the aged nature of the crisis, the present leadership in Taraba state in conjunction with Benue state counterpart has made some moves to resolve the crisis. Their efforts were commendable but more commitment, political will and uprightness needed. Many researchers have come to term that the Tiv-Jukun conflict has been protracted partly because of the apparent incapacity of the Nigerian State to provide security, law and order to its citizens. This is because some of the major contending issues in the conflict as we have noted ought to have been resolved. For instance, on the “indigene-settler” dichotomy Nigeria constitution is clear on who is citizen of Nigeria.
Base on recommendation to the protracted crisis we posit that the following should measure should be implemented: The federal government should tackle the constitutional issue of citizenship rights and abolish in clear terms the “indigene-settler” dichotomy as it is not only at the root cause of the Tiv-Jukun conflict but many other ethnic conflicts in Nigeria. National Boundary Commission (NBC) should step up to her primary responsibilities by demarcating boundary between Taraba and Benue state. The sponsors of the crisis should be brought to book. Finally, the two state governments should have the political will to implement findings of previous Commissions of Inquiry and recent 10-man committee. There are also a need to build a national citizenship through a reform of the Nigerian Constitution which involves incorporating the "Residency Right" mentioned above into the Constitution. This section as suggested should provide that a Nigerian citizen who has resided continuously for a period of five years in any state of the federation and performs his/her civic duties, including the payment of taxes, shall be entitled to all the rights and privileges of the state.
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